Non-alignment is backed by a recent report prepared and published by the Centre for Policy Research, New Delhi, in February 2012. Reminiscent of a movie sequel, it is refreshed, repackaged, updated and delivered in a 2.0 form, titled “Non-Alignment 2.0: A Foreign and Strategic Policy for India in the Twenty-First Century”. And like most movie sequels today, it also runs on an altogether new script with only an imaginary connection to the first. Why stick to the name, then?

The fortitude of cooperation and practical attitude in the investigation of transnational terrorist crimes is indispensable. Indian investigating agencies have been undergoing many problems in trail of the terrorism-related cases in investigations and checks in other countries. Consequently, cooperation between law enforcing authorities of different countries is a vital tool for fighting threats to security. It requires sustained cross border cooperation, coherent regional cooperation and specific global cooperation. 

In 1974, India conducted a nuclear test that is termed as a ‘peaceful nuclear explosion’. However, in 1998, India conducted a full-scale nuclear test and consequently claimed to attain nuclear capability. It was soon followed by its neighbour, Pakistan, also opting for the same nuclear route. A year later, the draft on nuclear doctrine was presented in August 1999 to the Indian Prime Minister. Subsequently, the Cabinet released it for public debate by the National Security Advisory Board.

The Indian foreign minister SM Krishna’s four-nation visit to Israel, Jordan, Palestine and the UAE from January 8 to 11, 2012, has been seen as the beginning of a “new approach ” in India’s foreign policy towards West Asia in general and the Arab Gulf region in particular. India has unequivocally accepted the paradigm that the relations with both Palestine as well as Israel are equally significant to its core national interests.

Indo–China relationship touched a new low when the latter unilaterally cancelled the 15th round of Special Representative-level talks between Indian and Chinese diplomats which was scheduled to be held on 5th December at New Delhi. The reason as cited by China is a scheduled speech in New Delhi by the Dalai Lama. Perhaps gone are the days of Chinese socialism because this is the expression of Bejing’s feudal mindset and its narrow-minded approach to bilateral issues.

According to Thomas Homer-Dixon, water will be the major source of conflict in the upcoming time. The contemporary scenario represents somewhat the same picture. The present era is marked by various kinds of conflicts, where resource sharing between nations is a big issue of contemplation, which further leads to disagreement. The conflict often arises due to unequal distribution of resources or from a dependency-led need for more resources, often at the expense of neighbouring states.

On October 4, 2011, New Delhi and Kabul have signed a historic Agreement on Strategic Partnership (ASP) which will further strengthen the relations between the two neighbors. India is the fifth highest donor in Afghanistan with $2billion of aid and also engaged in various development projects in Afghanistan and the recent visit by Afghan President Hamid Karzai also marks the collaboration of expanding the training of Afghan National Security Forces (ANSF).

The dawn of the twenty-first century coincided with an unusual phenomenon in international relations: the emergence of China and India as global powers. The steadily rising rate of economic growth in India has recently been around 8 per cent per year, and there is much speculation about whether and when India may catch up with and even surpass China’s over 10 per cent growth rate. India and China understand the concept of co-existence and growth very well. This engagement has elements of both rivalry and cooperation.

On May 25, an explosion was reported outside the Delhi High Court in the scorching heat of the afternoon. It led to terror and fear among the people, and without delay, authorities set off high alert in the capital and tightened security at public places. This has been the scene after every blast. Fortunately, no one was injured. The May 25 blast was the second in the preceding eight months, on September 19, 2010. Many security measures were taken to ensure no further explosions occurred. People, luggage, automobiles etc were thoroughly checked to avoid such situations.

The 21st century is rapidly developing in various East and Southeast Asian parts. The developing states in the region are struggling to maintain a balance between their social obligations and economic reforms. They believe that technology could act as a catalyst for the successful implementation of their development strategies. During the last few years, the Vietnamese government has invested significant resources in developing its science and technology base, keeping in mind its long-term interests. Space technology is one such area identified by the Vietnamese government.