About one-fifth of the total oceanic area in the world is covered by the Indian Ocean region. It is bound by the Arabian Peninsula and Africa, collectively known as the western Indian Ocean region, India’s coastal waters (the central Indian Ocean region) and the Bay of Bengal near Myanmar and Indonesia (the eastern Indian Ocean region). To meet the demand for energy reserves, approximately 33 million barrels of crude oil and petroleum are transported from the most important choke points in the Indian Ocean per day, including the straits of Hormuz and Malacca (Albert, 2016).
This paper is an effort to assess empirical evidence related to threat perception of one of the most dreaded biological weapon of mass destruction, Ricin. The evidence shows a realistic view to the notorious perception of Ricin, suggesting a need to reform the CWC policies!
On April 29,1997,the Chemical Weapons Convention (CWC), the first ever multilateral disarmament agreement entered into force along with the birth of the Organisation for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons (OPCW), an international chemical weapons disarmament regime, after years of negotiations under the auspices of United Nation’s Conference on Disarmament. and Preparatory Commission. The OPCW’s objective is to accomplish the Convention’s mandate ‘to end the development, production, stockpiling, transfer and use of chemical weapons’. It also has to ensure the ‘elimination of existing stocks of such weapons’. Two decade later, on the twentieth anniversary of OPCW it is imperative to recollect the journey so far and also to ascertain whether the regime succeeded in making the world safer from the threat of chemical weapons or warfare.This issue brief takes a broad overview of the journey of CWC and OPCW during the last two decades.
While Chinese official statements classify the McMahon Line with India as an “Imperial Imposition’ and hence invalid, the same McMahon Line was utilized by China as the basis to delimit a section of the Sino-Burma border.
The UNSCR 1540 is a visionary approach to address the threat of WMD proliferation beyond the state-centric approach. It amalgamates the entire range of multilateral obligations and controls relating to WMD-related technology and material. However, it has to bridge a few missing links at the methodological and attitudinal levels to prove optimum and universal.
The article emphasizes on prioritizing activities related to strengthening holistic defense mechanism to combat against natural, accidental or deliberate outbreaks.
Al Qaeda is attempting to expand into new territories in South Asia, “suitable” for safe housing themselves and their illicit activities. Fragile political situation in Afghanistan, Pakistan and Bangladesh provide a conducive atmosphere to Al Qaeda to secure their bases in these regions. The situation in South Asia raises further concerns over the fact that India and Pakistan are nuclear weapons nations. Terror groups must be exterminated from the region to prevent them from unleashing catastrophe in the region.
Three factors are highlighted in particular: the Maoists’ defeat in second Constituent Assembly polls, the resistance of both the parties towards formation of Truth and Reconciliation Commission and holding of local body elections, the inter-party division, which is the most serious challenge faced by Prachanda at present. The paper attempts to explore the possibilities of such a reunification between the UCPN-M and CPN-M. It highlights the challenges faced by the top Maoist brass at present in order to forge a united front for the future. The paper also points out some possible scenarios that would be faced by the Maoists, who remain an important political player in Nepal’s polity.
The territorial claims on Arunachal Pradesh, termed as Monyul, Loyul and lower Tsayul by China based on Tibetan history is not backed by ground evidence. China’s intrusion at the Line of Actual Control is scaring off settled Indian populations at the border to relocate their villages. PLA military modernization in Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR) is rapidly backed by advanced infrastructure.
Sri Lanka, home to a plethora of ethnically diverse communities, saw horrific communal bloodshed in July 1983. Over three decades down the line, history seems to be repeating itself as hordes of Buddhists and Muslims ruffle feathers in the nest once again. The island's hard-line Buddhist Power Force is up against the Muslims- setting towns afire, mirroring incidents of the Burmese violence. This time however, the Sri Lankan government cannot escape the ire of the world media and the international community and must do its best to come down heavily on the communal violence and seek long standing solutions for peace among its population.